European Commission - Speech [Check Against Delivery] Keynote speech by Commissioner Kubilius at the Conference "Strengthening Resilience of the EU Eastern Border" Vilnius, 24 April 2026 Thank you minister Vaitiekūnas, for your words of welcome. But especially for making this very important conference possible. Dear friends, Welcome to my home country and my home town. I don't often speak to so many Finance ministers...
European Commission - Speech [Check Against Delivery] Keynote speech by Commissioner Kubilius at the Conference "Strengthening Resilience of the EU Eastern Border" Vilnius, 24 April 2026 Thank you minister Vaitiekūnas, for your words of welcome. But especially for making this very important conference possible. Dear friends, Welcome to my home country and my home town. I don't often speak to so many Finance ministers in one room: Finance ministers from the Baltics, from our friends and neighbours Finland and Poland. And of course, the defenders of our freedom, from Ukraine. This a very important conference. Because as twice prime minister of this country I remember very well: all ministers are equal in the government. But finance ministers are a little bit more equal. The finance minister is the right hand of the prime minister. And sometimes both hands. When we talk about ‘strengthening our border regions' we must be clear about a fundamental difference. The EU border with Russia and Belarus is a border with hostile states. The EU border with Ukraine is with a friendly state. And one day a member of our EU family. A difference between night and day. Between “protect against” and “cooperate with”. So minister Marchenko, I am very glad you are here. We must work with Ukraine. Resilience of the whole of Europe, not only of the Eastern border countries, starts with the remarkable resilience of Ukraine and its people. We can learn a lot from Ukraine. The EU's eastern border countries are also the earliest and biggest supporters of Ukraine. Economically, politically and military. And that's no accident. We know what it's like to live under the shadow of aggressive Russia. Here, we have strong memories of long years of Russian occupation and oppression. Dozens of years. Hundreds of years. We were the first in the European Union to experience Russian sabotage, provocations, disruption. The first in the European Union to feel the impact of Russia's war of aggression. The first to welcome millions of Ukrainian refugees, showing immense solidarity. And we know if day X comes, and Putin decides to test us, this region will be the first to fight. So this region was also first to increase defence spending. As you know only too well as finance ministers. In 2025 all of the countries here together were in the EU top seven of defence spending. The Baltics, Poland and Finland. And the Baltic States and Poland even in the top four. Last year the European Union created massive possibilities for our collective defence. The possibility to use the national escape clause in the Stability and Growth Pact in order to increase national defence spending. 150 billion in SAFE loans for our defence and 60 billion in the Ukraine support loan for Ukrainian defence. And the eastern border countries are leading in using these possibilities. For example, leading in setting up European Defence Projects of Common Interests. Defence Projects that are pan-European by their nature, since they protect the whole of Europe. Like the Eastern Flank Watch, the Drone Defence Initiative and the Air Defence Shield. Made possible thanks to new legal instruments in EDIP, our European Defence Industrial Programme. We have now received a full list of proposals from Member States. Which will soon be evaluated and then we shall move ahead. It's very important that Ukraine will participate in the implementation of those pan-European projects. And eastern border countries are the leaders in taking responsibility of using our SAFE loans, for strengthening defence of the whole of Europe. With two thirds of 150 billion in SAFE loans tentatively allocated to eastern border states. Money that will not only make us strong in our defence. But that will bring jobs, jobs, jobs for local regions and communities. We have endorsed all your applications for approval by the Council and expect the money to be flowing soon. If day X comes, this region will be first to fight but will not be alone to fight. An attack on one of us in an attack on all of us. An attack against the entire European union. Against the freedom, democracy and prosperity we have built up together. We have collective security and collective defence doctrine. We have NATO article 5. We have Treaty on European Union article 42(7). But troops and equipment need to be able to get here in times of crisis. Back in 2004 a war game simulation showed Lithuanian troops can defend the whole territory of the country for 10 days before help arrives. Simulations have also shown that we can stand for 10 days, only if we shall invest into our national defence more than 5% of GDP. But after 10 days we expect that collective defence will arrive. Our security and defence capabilities are totally dependent on the collective capabilities of NATO or EU. But now for those collective capabilities to arrive to Lithuania, for example from Spain or Italy, can take many months. That's why the Commission proposed a new law on military mobility. To remove physical and legal obstacles. To get troops and equipment to where borders need defending. And that is here, in this region. And this region will also benefit from military mobility investment. Nearly 20 billion euro proposed in the next multi-annual EU budget, the MFF. For stronger roads and bridges, bigger tunnels, railway connections. That will also benefit local communities. A road that can carry a tank, can also carry transport, trucks and tourists. So, in short, this region is most important for Europe's defence and doing the most for Europe's defence. Geographically we are on the flank of Europe, politically we are in the heart of Europe. Of course maybe I am a bit prejudiced. I served this country twice, served as Prime Minister and for a long time in Parliament. But there is a shifting mood in the whole of Europe. Last year, chancellor Merz said that Germans had for too long not listened to warnings from the Baltics. In March 2025 EUCO recognized that in particular the defence of the EUs eastern border contributes to the security of Europe as a whole. And NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte said “We are all on the Eastern Flank Now”. More and more Europeans are understanding our situation: the Eastern Flank is the first line of defence. Defence of the whole of Europe. And the European Commission is very concretely supporting our Eastern border regions. In February we presented our Communication “Strong regions for a safe Europe”. A plan showing all the actions we are taking to make our border regions stronger. Our regions suffer many of the same problems. Back in October 2014, just after the occupation of Crimea I predicted in a publication that for the next 20 years, for as long as the Putin regime will survive, we shall be “a frontier country”, and the rest of the world will look at us as a region of enhanced risk. Because of Russia's war of aggression. Declining attractiveness to foreign investment, declining population and stagnation of economies – that is the possible impact of the war on the region. European solidarity is the answer of the European Union to such a challenge for this region. After the midterm review of cohesion policy last year eastern border member states now have a possibility to spend 5.6 billion euro of those funds also on defence, civil preparedness, and the protection of hospitals, power plants, and more. So, a lot of good things are happening. But we are not meeting today to say to each other how great things are going, but rather to see very concretely what the challenges are and how to address them. So I would like to end with three questions for our discussion. First: an institutional defence question. Aggressive Russia continues its war and American priorities are shifting. We are at the start of a “Europeanisation of collective security”. That is clear from the new National Defence Strategy of the United States, from statements by NATO's Supreme Allied Commander Europe, General Alexus Grynkewich, who openly speaks of transferring responsibility for conventional defence to Europe. And statements by US Under Secretary of War for Policy, Elbridge Colby, who argues to replace the post Cold War 2 NATO 2.0 by a new NATO 3.0. In which Europe takes care of a “preponderance of forces”. A fundamental discussion is starting on how we organise our collective defence, which is shifting from “collective transatlantic defence of Europe” towards “collective European defence of Europe”. A discussion on European Defence Union, on Article 42(7). Collective defence is for this region a matter of life and death. Transatlantic or European collective defence - but collective defence. What should the role of the Eastern border states be in this discussion? Is this region ready to present clear ideas about development of collective European defence? How do we make sure Ukraine is included in this discussion and the future architecture of collective European defence? Bringing incredible added value to the future of collective European defence with its Ukrainian battle tested defence forces and battle tested, globally leading innovative defence industry. Such a European policy of collective defence is the strategic priority for the whole of Europe. It should be shaped first of all by the intellectual input of the countries from this region. I would encourage you to do that. Sometimes, I feel that this region is too silent in European debates on the future policies and investments. I would urge you to overcome this hesitation to be more active in European debates, and more active as a region. You can ask why I am explaining this to Finance ministers? Well, I am doing the same with Defence Ministers and Prime Ministers. But as Finance Ministers you can better understand the financial added value for our region of a European collective defence policy, which takes into account the input from this region. So - be active in Brussels, and speak not only about your country's individual needs, but also about what kind of European policy you expect to be developed. Second: an economic question. How can the Baltics and the eastern border region become a powerhouse of competitiveness and innovation? Such an ambition would be exactly a proper answer to the possible perception that this “frontier” region is becoming too risky for investment and economical development. We need to remember, that Defence and Space investment is not only essential for our defence but also for our competitiveness. That's clear from the Draghi and Letta reports. But while we often talk about European competitiveness and its decline, it would be good to talk about national competitiveness. Which depends, first of all on national governance. If we look at IMD's World Competitiveness Ranking, which EU countries are in the top 10? Denmark, Ireland, Sweden, Netherlands. Finland - No 11. I am sad to day, none of the other countries here today are among top 10. So maybe before asking “how can Europe be competitive like America”, it is better for each of us to ask first: “How can we be more like Denmark”? Especially because the US is on place 13! Denmark is one of the most competitive economies in the world and European regulation or bureaucracy is not an obstacle for them to lead. National leadership and national smart policies creates Danish competitiveness. If national competitiveness of this region improves, the negative impact of the status of “frontier countries” will diminish. Our communication “Strong regions for a safe Europe” puts a lot of emphasis on innovation. Defence innovation is essential for both security and our economy. The Baltics and the region is a powerhouse of defence innovation. And pioneering in working with Ukraine and learning from Ukraine. SMEs and start ups are at the heart of defence innovation, and there are many successful SMEs here. How can we make sure defence SMEs get the contracts they need to produce at scale? How can we turn eastern border SMEs into European primes? How can we make this region into the leading region which will bring Ukrainian defence industrial experience into the whole of Europe? Can Finance Ministers develop a regional approach on those topics and present it to EU institutions in order to influence defence industrial policy of the whole European Union? That will make the whole region attractive for investments into defence industries. And that will bring new jobs and new tax revenues into the national budgets. Let's make it happen. And Finance Ministers should lead. Third question: What is our strategy towards aggressive Russia? Authoritarian Russia under the Putin regime is the only reason why there is no peace on the European continent. And the reason why especially this region is economically, financially, demographically suffering being a “frontier region”. Authoritarian Russia is a permanent threat. Not only to its democratic neighbours, but towards the whole of democratic Europe. And beyond. But how do we stop aggressive Russia? How can we influence transformation of our aggressive neighborhood? When we in Lithuania started our accession process in the mid 1990s, our GDP per capita was 30 per cent of the EU average. Now it's 90 per cent or more (at PPP). Why? Because we became members of the EU, of its rich Single Market back in 2004. Finland - earlier. All of us here, who are members of the EU, have experienced the same success. Most of us ran away from occupation and dictatorship and achieved freedom, prosperity and democracy. Our success inspires others to travel the same road: Ukraine, Moldova, Balkan countries. And in the same way, the success of Ukraine can inspire ordinary Russians to demand the return to normality. The title of our strategy should be “success of Ukraine”. Success of Ukraine is what we can deliver. Through our financial support to Ukrainian defence, to its ability to prevail on the front lines and in such a way achieve the just “peace through strength”. And through our support towards Ukrainian membership of EU, which in 20-25 years will make Ukraine a new “economical tiger” on the European continent. Like we became. And such a success story of Ukraine can really also create the possibility for Russia to transform itself. Even if the chance is almost zero, it's worth trying. Because a normal, non aggressive Russia would be the best security guarantee for Europe. And the success of Ukraine is also the best strategy for the countries of the region, which are members of the EU. Our countries will also massively benefit from a Ukraine that's at peace, prosperous and free. As will benefit the whole of Europe. Since the future of the European continent now is decided in Ukraine. Ukraine success will be the success of the whole European continent. So let's work together towards this noble goal! SPEECH/26/870
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