European Commission - Speech [Check Against Delivery] Speech by Commissioner Kos at the Structured Dialogue with the European Parliament Brussels, 20 April 2026 Dear Members of the European Parliament, Thank you for this opportunity to exchange views today. I would like to take this opportunity to take stock of where we stand. And, more importantly, to reflect with you on where we are going. Because enlargement is to...
European Commission - Speech [Check Against Delivery] Speech by Commissioner Kos at the Structured Dialogue with the European Parliament Brussels, 20 April 2026 Dear Members of the European Parliament, Thank you for this opportunity to exchange views today. I would like to take this opportunity to take stock of where we stand. And, more importantly, to reflect with you on where we are going. Because enlargement is today once again one of the defining questions for the future of Europe. We are living through a profound geopolitical shift. Caught between pressures from East and West, we find ourselves in a world increasingly shaped by great powers, where rules matter less and less. In such a volatile environment, many in our neighbourhood are looking for a safe haven. For stability, predictability, and protection. On 29 August, the people of Iceland will vote on whether they will restart membership negotiations with the EU. At a time when many are quick to question or dismiss our Union, this says something important. It shows that the European model remains attractive. It shows that, in an unstable world, the European Union still stands for stability, certainty, and shared rules. I want to make it clear that if Icelanders decide to move towards full EU integration, the EU will be ready. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has reminded us that peace, stability, and democracy in Europe cannot be taken for granted. We are seeing how autocratic regimes - often together with willing domestic helpers – are attacking democracies across Europe. In this context, enlargement is no longer only about completing the European project. It is about securing it. And this changes the way we must approach it. Our credibility as a geopolitical actor will depend also on our ability to advance the accession process in a way that is both ambitious and fully consistent with our rules. It will depend on whether we can find a way to give our candidates a credible offer and firmly anchor them in the European political space, reducing the risk that competing powers will shape the future of our continent. At the same time, never compromise on the high standards on reforms EU enlargement entails. This is why the ongoing debate on how to adapt our enlargement policy is both necessary and timely. The European Parliament has contributed meaningfully to these reflections through its recent resolution. I welcome this engagement and look forward to hearing you today. Let me now turn to where we stand. 2025 was a good year for enlargement. We have accomplished more than in the last 15 years together! And we are continuing this good work in 2026. Montenegro continues to advance in negotiations. It has closed 14 chapters. More than a third. But it is not only about numbers. I was in Podgorica last month and passed a clear message: focus on the quality of the reforms and prioritize the fundamentals. Here, I would like to thank you for your engagement. In Podgorica, I exchanged extensively with both the government and opposition on two recent laws on internal affairs and security, which the S&D group also brought to my attention. I made clear these laws need not only to align with EU acquis, but genuine support across Montenegrin society. We will closely watch how they are implemented. Albania has opened all six negotiating clusters in just over a year. Member States are now progressing with discussions on the fulfilment of the interim benchmarks on rule of law. I am confident to see decisive progress in the Council in the next few weeks and months. Ukraine continues its accession path under extraordinary circumstances. The determination shown by Ukrainians - while defending its sovereignty and its citizens - is truly remarkable. We are losing no time on Ukraine's EU path. We are now optimistic that, with the support of the new government of Hungary, the Council will soon be in the position to formally open all negotiations clusters. Just two weeks ago, the Verkhovna Rada passed important laws. This will unlock a further EUR 2.7 billion EUR of budgetary support under the Ukraine Facility. This is crucial juncture to stabilize Ukraine's liquidity needs. The Rada session at the end of April offers another opportunity to build on this positive trend. We also expect that, as soon as the oil will flow in the Druzsba Pipeline again, this could happen these days, we will be able to provide Ukraine with the long awaited 90 billion EUR loan. On Moldova - despite intense pressure by Russia and the spillovers of the aggression against Ukraine - is delivering quality reforms at a strong pace. Last month, Member States have given us the mandate to start technical negotiating across all 33 negotiating chapters. It was a recognition of Moldovans' extraordinary efforts on the accession process. And a great moment to speed up reforms. Just like in the case of Ukraine, we look forward to a decision by the Council to formally open all six negotiations clusters. We are also moving forward with Kosovo. We have proceeded with the lifting of measures and now expect the government to proceed with the reforms needed to benefit from EU support. I will travel to Pristina soon to take this work forward. But progress is not uniform. In Georgia, recent legislative developments raise serious concerns. An autocratic system of state control over political expression is pushing Georgia further away from the European future most of its people want. Our goal is to keep Georgia anchored to the EU and maintain our ability to defend the EU interests. We are increasingly worried about what is happening in Serbia. I share the concerns voiced by MEPs from The Greens and Renew group. From laws that undermine the independence of the judiciary to crackdowns on protesters and recurrent meddling in independent media. We're currently assessing whether the country still fulfils the conditions for payments under the EU's financial instruments. We will continue to support Serbia on its EU path. But we expect the authorities to fully align its judicial laws with the Venice Commission's recommendations and to restore the independence of its media, including through reform of the REM. And we want to see constant improvements in the CSFP alignment. The accession process is built on commitments. And those commitments must be respected and followed by concrete action. I already spoke about the changing geopolitical environment and what this means for enlargement. Let me again make it clear that fundamental reforms will always remain central. But at the same time, we can no longer expect our candidates to spend years implementing difficult reforms, without having much to show for it. We need to reach our future citizens much faster. We are already doing this. Integration into the Single Euro Payments Area is delivering tangible results. Faster transactions, lower costs for businesses and citizens. Same goes for Roaming. Just last month, we made a proposal to the Council to include all countries from the Western Balkans in our free roaming area. After we welcomed Ukraine and Moldova on January 1 this year. Those efforts make a real difference to millions of people that look towards Europe. I agree with those of you that want us to go further and move into areas that define countries' strategic positioning: energy, infrastructure, security and, of course, the internal market. Through the Growth Plans, we are linking reform progress directly to investment and economic opportunities. While Ukraine and Moldova are performing well, progress has been a lot slower in the Western Balkans. Last week, I wrote to the authorities in the region to step up their reforms or their citizens will lose out. The Growth Plan is strictly performance-based and time-bound. Currently more than EUR 700m are at risk of being permanently lost across the region if reforms are not completed by June 2026 or December 2026. Those who deliver reforms need to feel the difference in their core structures. This helps pro-EU governments by bringing immediate benefits to their business and citizens. As we move forward, we must also address the question of safeguards. Safeguard clauses are not new. They have always been part of enlargement. But today, the scale of enlargement, the political context, and the lessons of past accessions require us to reflect on how these instruments should evolve. A lesson learnt from 2004 is that we need to have safeguards that ensure new members stick to the rules and the integrity of our Union is assured, even 5, 10 or 20 years down the line. Future Accession Treaties will need to include safeguards that are credible, effective, and capable of being applied if serious shortcomings arise after accession. With Montenegro working towards closing all chapters, its accession treaty should be the first of a new generation. This is not about creating additional criteria. But if countries go backwards on our fundamentals, such as democracy and rule of law, the safeguards must bite and we must always be able to protect our Union. We need this to maintain trust. Trust among Member States. Trust with our citizens. And trust in the enlargement process itself. Across Europe, we are witnessing increasing pressure on democratic institutions, media, and civil society. And when it comes to defending freedom and democracy, our current and future member states are fighting the same fight. In many ways, some of our candidate countries know this struggle even better than we do. Just look at Ukraine. Look at Moldova. This is why we are extending our cooperation through the European Democracy Shield. Together with Commissioner McGrath and the Cypriote Presidency, we are planning – still before summer – a ministerial discussion of EU member states and candidates about their involvement in the implementation of the Shield. We will work with our partners to strengthen institutions, support independent media, and empower civil society. In these efforts, we need to treat our future members as equals. Now. Not when it is too late. We also need to take bolder steps to establish stronger partnerships. Especially in our neighbourhood. My recent engagements with our candidate country Türkiye as well with as Armenia and Azerbaijan need to be understood in this way. We need Türkiye in light of the changing geopolitical realities in Europe and the Middle East. They are the EU's fifth largest trading partner, with a trade volume twice as high as that with Mercosur or India. It is essential for trade routes between Europe and Asia. And any peace settlement for Ukraine will need Türkiye (NATO's second army) as we will be faced with a new security environment in the Black Sea region. I recently travelled to Ankara and agreed to explore possibilities to reduce trade barriers. But we expect Türkiye to also take steps towards us as well, and toward Cyprus. We also intensified our support to the ongoing peace efforts between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Together, we want to develop new transport, energy and digital routes across the South Caucasus. These connections can link Europe more closely to Central Asia reducing strategic dependencies. With war raging north and south, emerging trade routes through Türkiye and the South Caucasus have become essential. Since 2022, trade cargo on the route has quadrupled. With the right investments, it can triple by 2030. This is what our work on connectivity is about. It will help us diversify trade routes and strengthen our economic resilience. At the same time, connectivity is a contribution to peace. We want to build a region so interconnected that conflict becomes unimaginable. Before concluding, let me add a word on main simplification efforts under my portfolio to contribute to a faster, and simpler Europe. We focused on four strands: Maximising the impact of our external investment toolbox and reducing administrative burden for implementing partners. Avoiding duplications between the various rule of law reporting exercises for candidate countries. This regards especially the Rule of Law report which includes four candidate countries, and the annual Enlargement Package. Shifting to performance-based instruments with the implementation of the Facilities for Ukraine, the Western Balkans and Moldova. Their reform-oriented design is delivering greater focus on impact and results. Implementation Dialogues: I already had two – with the private sector and with the civil society organisations. I will shortly announce two further Dialogues to continue this active engagement with stakeholders in 2026. Honourable Members, Enlargement is once again one of the European Union's most strategic policies. In many ways, we are once again facing the fundamental question of how to organize our continent to preserve peace and stability. This is why the European Union was founded in the first place. The challenges Europe faces today once again demand courage, unity, and vision. And your efforts and engagement are central to building a more independent Europe and unify our continent. Thank you for your contribution. And I look forward to go on with an excellent cooperation with the European Parliament in the future. SPEECH/26/850
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